journalists without borders

The following essay explores the themes and implications of the ACLU’s landmark settlement regarding the unlawful questioning of journalists at the U.S.-Mexico border.

The Cost of Surveillance: Defending the First Amendment at the Border

The freedom of the press is often described as a cornerstone of democracy, a "watchdog" mechanism that ensures government transparency and accountability. However, when the state uses its power to monitor, detain, and interrogate the very individuals tasked with reporting the truth, that cornerstone begins to crumble. The recent settlement in the federal lawsuit Guan v. Wolf, announced by the ACLU, serves as a profound victory for constitutional rights, highlighting the escalating costs of abusing journalists and the essential need to protect the free press in an era of heightened border security.

The Erosion of Press Freedom at the Border

The case originated from the experiences of five photojournalists—Bing Guan, Go Nakamura, Mark Abramson, Kitra Cahana, and Ariana Drehsler—who traveled to the U.S.-Mexico border between 2018 and 2019 to document the plight of Central American migrant caravans. These journalists were not merely bystanders; they were professional witnesses to a significant humanitarian and political event.

Despite their status as U.S. citizens and professional members of the media, they were targeted by Customs and Border Protection (CBP) and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). This targeting involved "secondary inspections," prolonged detentions, and interrogations that focused on their sources and observations. The discovery of a leaked government database later revealed a more systemic abuse: the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) had created a secret list to track activists, lawyers, and journalists. Such actions suggest a deliberate attempt to use border crossings as a "Constitution-free zone" where officials could bypass First Amendment protections under the guise of national security.

The Psychological and Democratic Costs of Abuse

The abuse of journalists carries a "chilling effect" that extends far beyond the individuals directly involved. As plaintiff Kitra Cahana noted, the primary danger of government harassment is that other journalists may avoid reporting on controversial or "sensitive" stories to escape similar targeting. When the state treats reporting as a suspicious activity, it transforms the act of seeking truth into an act of risk.

Furthermore, the interrogation of journalists regarding their confidential sources is a direct assault on the integrity of the profession. If a source cannot trust a journalist to remain confidential due to government coercion at a border crossing, the flow of information to the public is severed. A democracy cannot function effectively if the government is able to "cow" the press into silence, as plaintiff Bing Guan suggested was the ultimate goal of the DHS’s surveillance tactics.

A Landmark Settlement and the Path to Accountability

The settlement reached in January 2026 represents a critical step in re-establishing the boundaries of government power. By requiring CBP to issue new guidance regarding First Amendment and Privacy Act protections, the settlement forces a shift in institutional culture. It clarifies that a journalist’s past reporting cannot serve as a legitimate basis for future harassment or questioning.

This legal victory reaffirms a vital constitutional principle: the First Amendment does not stop at the border. While the government has broad authority to regulate entry into the country, that authority is not absolute and cannot be used as a pretext for viewpoint discrimination or the suppression of the media.

Conclusion

The Guan v. Wolf settlement is more than a legal resolution; it is a reaffirmation of the necessity of an independent press. The costs of abusing journalists are paid in the currency of public knowledge and democratic health. By challenging the unlawful surveillance and interrogation of those who document the world’s most vulnerable populations, this case secures a future where journalists can perform their duties without fear of state-sponsored intimidation. In protecting the rights of these five photojournalists, the settlement ultimately protects the right of every citizen to know what their government is doing in their name.

Sources:

 https://www.aclu-sdic.org/press-releases/journalists-sue-federal-government-defend-free-press-aclu-lawsuit/

https://www.aclu.org/press-releases/landmark-settlement-announced-in-lawsuit-challenging-unlawful-questioning-of-journalists-at-the-border

St. Valentine: make love not war

Make love not war.

How did st. Valentine become one of the first draft Dodgers?

Lets find out.

.The story of Saint Valentine as the "first draft dodger" is a fascinating blend of historical fragments and medieval romanticism. While the term "draft dodger" is a modern political label, the core of the Valentine legend is indeed a story of civil disobedience against a military-industrial complex.

To understand how Valentine became a symbol of protest, we have to look at the collision between the Roman war machine and the early Christian underground.

The Imperial Conflict: Marriage vs. The Military

In the 3rd Century, the Roman Empire was facing what historians call the "Crisis of the Third Century"—a period of constant civil war, plague, and economic collapse. Emperor Claudius II (known as Claudius Gothicus) believed that his primary obstacle to a strong army was, quite literally, love.

•  * The Decree: Claudius allegedly banned marriages and engagements for young men in Rome.
•  * The Logic: He believed that "attachment" made soldiers weak. A man with a wife and children was less likely to charge into a suicidal battle than a man with nothing to lose.
•  * The Consequence: This created a mandatory pipeline from civilian life to the legions, effectively "drafting" the entire male population by removing the domestic alternative.

Valentine, a priest in Rome (or possibly the Bishop of Interamna), viewed this decree not just as a social injustice, but as a theological violation. In his view, marriage was a sacred rite that superseded the mandates of the state.

1. Underground Resistance

Valentine began performing secret marriages for young couples in defiance of the Emperor’s edict. In modern terms, this was a systematic sabotage of the recruitment process. By facilitating these unions, he was providing young men with a moral and legal reason (within their community) to prioritize the family unit over the imperial war effort.

2. The "Draft Dodger" Symbolism

While Valentine wasn't hiding in a basement to avoid his own service, he was the architect of evasion for others. He acted as a "conscientious objector" by proxy. He used his religious authority to validate the choice of peace and domesticity over the state-mandated violence of the era.

The Trial and Execution

Valentine’s "protest" eventually caught the attention of the authorities. When he was captured, legend suggests he attempted to convert Emperor Claudius himself, which was the ultimate act of defiance.

 "If you knew the grace of God, you would not call these idols demons, but would worship the true God who is in heaven." — Traditional account of Valentine's defense.

He was executed on February 14, around 270 AD. Before his death, he reportedly healed the blind daughter of his jailer and left her a note signed "From your Valentine," turning a moment of state oppression into the founding gesture of romantic correspondence.

Historical Context & Nuance

It is important to note that the historical record for Valentine is "thin." There were actually two or three different Saint Valentines martyred in the 3rd century. Much of the "marriage ban" narrative was popularized much later, particularly by Geoffrey Chaucer and other medieval writers who wanted to link the saint to the "birds and bees" of springtime.

However, as a cultural narrative, the essay of Valentine’s life remains the earliest and most famous example of a citizen standing between a government's demand for soldiers and the individual's right to choose a life of peace.

Resources 

• The wild geese 
• https://thewildgeese.irish/m/blogpost?id=6442157%3ABlogPost%3A141729
• 
  
• St. Valentine- wiki 
• https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saint_Valentine#:~:text=There%20are%20many%20other%20legends,Valentine's%20Day.

SD - fk ice - hotline

 

This resource provides legal information= not legal advice.

Last updated: 01/25/2026

San Diego ICE Raid Safety Tips

PREPARE

fIND YOUR LOVED ONE

FREE LEGAL SUPPORT

• A#: If you have a 9-digit A# (alien/file number), send it to a trusted person. Your A# will help locate vou and vour immigration case information.

ICE Detainee Locator . Visit locator.ice.gov

Immigration Legal Services Coalition . Call: (858) 751-7553

• Phone numbers: Memorize important numbers or write them on your arm whenever you go outside.

Otav Mesa Detention Center . Cal:(619)671-8724 Visit tinyurl.com/sdomdc

SD Immigrant Legal Defense Program • Call:(619) 446-2883 . Email: OAC.immigration@sdcounty.ca.gov

• Documents: Make copies of your important documents and send them to a trusted person. Ex: Immigration records, birth certificates, passports, etc.

Imperial Regional Detention Facility . Cal:(760) 618-7200 • Visit tinyurl.com/sdimperial

Listof Pro-Bono Legal Service Providers Visit tinyurl.com/sdprobono

• Medication: Get a doctor's note explaining your condition and treatment, medical records, and a medication list. Send copies of them to a trusted person.

Note: Ask a lawyer about filing a habeas corpus petition This can help challenge any unlawful detention.

If you st.llcan't find them, call the San Diego ICE Office:(619) 4360410

◦ House or car keys: Make sure a trusted person has copies of your keys. And share your car's location

To find their court case, visit: acis.eoir.justice.gov

Report ICE Sightings in San Diego: (619) 916-7215

• Money: Ask a trusted person to help access your funds for bond/bail, phone calls, and comissary funds

GET USEFUL APPS

MORE RESOURCES

If your loved one is detained at Otay Mesa or Imperial, get these mobile apps. Visit: tr.ee/getout

Know your rights ‣Scan or visit ilrc.org/redcards

Do NOT sign any documents without talking with a lawyer first

PROTECT YOUR FAMILY

GettingOut Add funds for phone calls and texts. Create a Friends & Family account to make calls ASAP.

GTL Getingou

Immigration court/ICE check-in tips and detention hotline ‣ Scan or visit tr.ee/courtsupport

If you have kids, family, or pets, plan ahead for their care.

• For kids in school, give their school an emergency contact for picking themup.

GettingOut Visits: Use it for video visits.

sits

• If you fill out a Caregiver's Authorization Affidavit, you can authorize a trusted person to make certain school and medical decisions for your kids in Califomnia. Talk with a lawyer about this and other options

qmet

ConnectNetwork: Add funds for commissary (food, toiletries, etc.). Otay Mesa only

ReadyNow emergency alert app ‣ Scan or visit: readynowapp.org

Comeciretverk

A

AccessCorrections: Add funds for commissary (food, toiletries, etc.) and phone calls. Imperial only.

• Tell ICE agents if youre a primary caregiver who needs to arrange care.

Scan QR to get this flyer on your phone Links are clickable in the digital flyer.

Stay safe. Your community supports you.

March on the boss workshop

 The March on the Boss

 and

 El Común

The March on the Boss is the primary tactical expression of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) philosophy of "Solidarity Unionism."

 Rather than waiting for legal recognition or government intervention, workers self-organize to confront management directly.

 This workshop

functions as a training ground for collective courage, teaching participants how to transform

individual grievances into a unified, unstoppable force.

When linked to the ideology of el común—the community-held power rooted in indigenous and Zapatista resistance—the March on the Boss becomes more than a workplace tactic.

 It serves:

as a pedagogical exercise in autonomy. 

By organizing at the local level, workers and neighbors develop the "social muscles" required for the Storm: the inevitable collision between grassroots A life and global capital.

Key Themes of the Workshop:

• * The Power of the Collective: Shifting the narrative from "I" to "We."
• 
  
• * Direct Action as Education: Learning that power is never given, only taken.
• 
  
• * Building the Infrastructure of Resistance: Creating local committees that can survive economic and social crises.
• 
  
• * Preparing for the Storm: Cultivating the resilience and horizontal leadership necessary to defend the community against systemic exploitation.

Ultimately: this workshop provides the practical tools to turn resistance into a lifestyle and rebellion into a sustainable community structure.

05: Breaking the Pyramid -Zapatistas Seedbed - dec 30th

 

The Architecture of the Common:

Breaking the Pyramid:

A Presentation for the Global Solidarity Movement with the Zapatista Communities: 

Friends, family, and sisters and brothers of the Americanas Zapatistas:

A Presentation of Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés’ 2025 Address:

Imagine a pyramid. 

At the very top, a single point of power. In most of our world—in our governments, our corporations, and even our families—this is the only shape we know. We are told that to be successful is to climb; to be "right" is to be the one at the peak, isolated and deaf to the world below.

But on December 30, 2025, Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés stood before the Zapatista communities and offered a different geometry [01:26].

 He spoke of a radical shift from the individual to "El Común"—the Common. This isn't just a political theory; it is a lived experiment in survival and dignity that has lessons for every one of us, from the mountains of Southeast Mexico to the urban centers of the Americas.

1. The Power of the Negative

Moisés begins with a simple, yet revolutionary, electrical metaphor: the battery. To have light, you need both a positive and a negative pole. In the Zapatista struggle, the "positive" is our progress, our "we are doing well." But the "negative" is the critique, the voice that tells us what we are missing or what we are doing wrong [01:55].

For those of us in solidarity movements, the temptation is to always look for the "win." But Moisés reminds us that if we stay at the "top of the pyramid," only listening to our own praise, we fail. True autonomy requires the "Negative"—the humility to listen, to smell, and to imagine alongside others [02:54].

2. The New Generation: Laboratories of Freedom

One of the most moving parts of this address is the focus on the youth. For decades, the Zapatista roles were clear: Insurgent, Militia, or Support Base. But today, the youth are demanding more. They are becoming ultrasound technicians, dental workers, artists, and environmentalists [08:13].

This isn't just professional development; it is an evolution of freedom. Moisés shares stories of young people challenging their parents—old Zapatistas—to let them serve the community in new ways [11:45]. 

They are moving from a struggle defined by "taking up arms" to a struggle defined by "taking up the common good." They are inventing their own futures, designing their own paths, and proving that the movement is not a relic of the past, but a living, breathing laboratory [10:05].

3. Practicing: "El Común"

What does "The Common" look like in practice? It is the rejection of private property in favor of shared life. Moisés describes communities coming together to experiment—not competing to see who earns more, but collaborating to see what works best for the collective [15:41].

 Whether it is a cornfield, a fish pond, or a bakery, the goal is "rendición de cuenta" (accountability) to the assembly [15:29].

Crucially, "El Común" is not an exclusive club. Moisés recounts the construction of a communal hospital where non-Zapatistas—people of different religions and political parties—came to work [19:29]. 

When an outsider asked if they had to become Zapatistas to help, the answer was a firm "No." [20:33]. 

"The Zapatistas are not recruiting followers; 

they are building a world,

 where everyone can live with dignity, 

regardless of their label."

4. The Weight of Memory:

Finally, Moisés grounds this communal hope in the "digna rabia"—the dignified rage—that connects all of Mexico. He speaks directly to the 43 students of Ayotzinapa and their families [01:03:21].

 Ten years later, while others have used their pain for political gain, the Zapatistas remain steadfast. They understand that there can be no true "transformation" in a country that refuses to heal its deepest wounds [01:05:08].

 To seek justice is a communal act; 

to remember is a form of resistance.

Conclusion: For Everyone, Everything

To our brothers and sisters in the Americanas Zapatistas, this video is a mirror and a compass. Moisés reminds us that "Para todos todo, para nosotros nada" (For everyone everything, for ourselves nothing) has evolved [23:43]. 

It is now: For everyone, everything, in common [24:05].

The path is not easy. It involves long assemblies, exhaustion, and the difficult work of reaching consensus [58:01]. 

But it is the only path that leads away from the pyramid. As you watch this video and reflect on your own local struggles, ask yourselves: How can we build "The Common" in our own geographies? How can we listen to the "Negative" to improve our "Positive"?

The revolution is not a destination; it is the practice of sharing the world.

Click here to watch the full video:

 PARTICIPACIÓN DEL SUBCOMANDANTE INSURGENTE MOISÉS, 30 DE DICIEMBRE DE 2025

 

04: Pyramids & Mountains - Zapatistas Seedbed - dec 29th

 

Pyramids & Mountains:

 Unmasking "The Other Right"

A Presentation for the Global Solidarity Movement with the Zapatista Communities: 

Friends, family, and sisters and brothers of the Americanas Zapatistas:

The Sacrifice of the Base

Imagine a pyramid. For centuries, it has been the shape of power in Mexico. It is grand, it is imposing, but it is also truncated. Its very design requires a sacrifice at the top to maintain the structure below. From the days of the Mexica to the modern presidency, this verticality has defined our reality. But today, a new architect has taken the stage, promising to dismantle the pyramid while secretly reinforcing its stones with the cold cement of global capital.

The Illusion of the "Left"

We are often told that Mexico is undergoing a "Fourth Transformation," a progressive revolution for the poor. But Arturo Anguiano, a voice of profound critical thought speaking from the heart of Zapatista territory, invites us to look closer. He suggests that what we are witnessing is not a shift to the left, but the emergence of "The Other Right." In this video, recorded in December 2025 [09:51],

 Anguiano pulls back the curtain on the "progressive" mask. He argues that the current regime is not a nostalgic return to revolutionary nationalism, but a modern, neoliberal administration of capitalism. It is a "mercantilism of politics" where social programs are not tools of liberation, but mechanisms of clientelism—buying loyalty while the fundamental structures of inequality remain untouched [51:05].

The Personalist Machine

One of the most striking revelations in Anguiano’s analysis is the nature of the ruling party, Morena. He describes it not as a social movement, but as a "personalist party" [32:32]. 

It is an organization with no collective direction, no internal debate, and no real volunteers—only a payroll of "Servants of the Nation" who operate as a semi-state machinery [36:58].

This centralization has led to what he calls a despotic regime [59:43]. 

The separation of powers is becoming a myth. The judiciary is under siege. The "imaginary republic" is being replaced by a reality where the president’s word is the only law that matters, justified by a "blank check" from the voters that is used to ignore the very people who provided it [38:39].

The Neo-Colonial Scalpel

For those of us in global solidarity, the most alarming part of this presentation is the discussion of "neo-colonial" infrastructure [01:18:46].

 Projects like the Tren Maya and the Interoceanic Corridor are presented as national triumphs, but Anguiano exposes them as "dry canals of Panama"—arteries designed to move global merchandise from China to the U.S. East Coast [01:19:07].

 These are not projects for the people; they are concessions to global finance, carving through indigenous territories and "razing the land" under the watchful eye of a newly militarized state [58:27].

So, where is the hope? 

The Mountain’s Response: Autonomy from Below

It lies in the metaphor of the mountain. While the pyramid represents the state and its sacrifices, the mountain represents the assembly of original peoples—the "assembly of pyramids" that Octavio Paz once spoke of, reimagined through Zapatista resistance [03:35].

Anguiano reminds us that "the state will not fall on its own; it must be dismantled from below" [01:13:34].

 The Zapatista movement provides the blueprint: not seeking the power of the pyramid, but building a different kind of power—one that is rooted in autonomy, self-governance, and a refusal to be assimilated into the "logic of the serpent" [05:46].

The Call to Action

To our sisters and brothers in the Americanas Zapatistas: this video is more than a political lecture. It is a warning. It is a call to recognize that "progressivism" can often be the most effective mask for "capitalism in its extreme form" [29:00].

Watch this presentation. Listen to the breakdown of how the military has been integrated into the very fabric of the economy [58:53]. 

Understand how "austerity" is being used as a tool to shrink the state’s responsibility to the people while expanding its capacity for accumulation [44:41].

Mexico, as Anguiano says, is a country that has "lost its soul" and requires a new one [00:27].

 That soul will not be found in the National Palace; it will be found in the mountains, in the communities, and in the global solidarity of those who refuse to be sacrificed for the top of the pyramid.

Watch the full presentation here: 

Participación de Arturo Anguiano, 29 de Diciembre de 2025

03: The Laughter of Resistance - Zapatistas Seedbed - dec 28th

 The Laughter of Resistance:

 the Power of the Common:

A Presentation for the Global Solidarity Movement with the Zapatista Communities: 

Friends, family, and sisters and brothers of the Americanas Zapatistas:

We stand at a crossroads in history where the old ways of "commanding" are being dissolved into the new ways of "sharing." In this profound video, recorded on December 28, 2025, Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés of the EZLN brings us a message that is both a report from the front lines of autonomy and a manual for the future of global resistance. It is a message that begins, surprisingly, with a laugh.

1. The Rebel Heart: Why We Laugh

Subcomandante Moisés opens his talk by reminding us that for the Zapatista movement, rebellion is not just about the struggle; it is about the joy of it [00:21]. 

He speaks of "clown-like rebellion" as a way to clear the mind—to find the humanity that the system tries to strip away. This is our first lesson: if we are to resist a system that seeks to demoralize and divide us [03:16],

"We must do so,

 with a spirit that cannot be broken!"

2. The Great Shift: From the Individual to "The Common"

The heart of this presentation is the transition to what the Zapatistas call "El Común" (The Common). Moisés explains that this is not just a political theory; it is a way of relating to the land and to each other [10:41].

He challenges the very concept of private property, asking a powerful question to those who claim to "own" a piece of land: "How many millions of years is your life?" [13:48].

 Since our lives are but a blink compared to the Earth, how can we claim to own her? Instead, we belong to her. This realization has led the Zapatista communities to restructure their entire governance into three levels of horizontal authority:

•  * GAL (Local Autonomous Government): The foundation in every community [50:54].
•  * C-GAZ (Collectives of Zapatista Autonomous Governments): Where regions coordinate [51:51].
•  * AC-GAZ (Assembly of Collectives of Zapatista Autonomous Governments): The zone-wide assembly where the "maximum government" resides [52:51].

3. "The People Truly Rule": The End of the Pyramid

For years, the world has heard the Zapatista slogan "Mandar Obedeciendo" (To Lead by Obeying). In this video, Moisés describes the practical evolution of this principle. They have dismantled the "pyramid" structure—even their own previous councils—to ensure that decision-making power resides at the base [49:15].

He shares honest, often humorous stories of the growing pains of this system: how Zapatistas and non-Zapatista "brothers and sisters" (formerly known as partidistas) are learning to work the land together [12:14]. 

He speaks of resolving conflicts in the moment, in the field, rather than waiting for a distant authority to intervene [18:37]. 

This is the "Common" in practice—a tool that even saves the lives of those displaced by organized crime or natural disasters [43:22], [45:12].

4. The Future: Organizing the Youth

Perhaps the most urgent part of the message is the call to organize the youth [59:18].

 Moisés warns that "the future" is not a given; it is something that must be organized. Without a collective path, the future will be dictated by the same capitalist forces we fight today. By involving young people in El Común, the Zapatistas are ensuring that the seeds of autonomy will continue to grow for the next 120 years and beyond.

5. A Message for Global Solidarity

To the Americanas Zapatistas and all those in global solidarity: this video is a reminder that resistance is not a static state, but a constant practice of "sharing" (compartición) [08:24].

 It is about learning from each other's mistakes and successes without competition.

Moisés leaves us with a profound metric for our work: "If the enemy applauds us, we are doing something wrong; if the enemy hates us, it means we are on the right path" [03:55].

Let us take this message to heart. Let us look to the Zapatistas not as a distant ideal, but as a living example of how to build a world where many worlds fit—a world where, finally, the people truly rule [59:57].

Watch the full message here: 

PARTICIPACIÓN DEL SUBCOMANDANTE INSURGENTE MOISÉS, 28 DE DICIEMBRE DE 2025

02: Reclaiming History from Below - Zapatistas Seedbed - dec 27th

 

Reclaiming History from Below:

The Story They Told Us is a Lie 

A Presentation for the Global Solidarity Movement with the Zapatista Communities: 

Friends, family, and sisters and brothers of the Americanas Zapatistas

Reclaiming History

We are often told that history is a settled record—a museum of statues and dates. But as we see in this "Semillero" convened by the Zapatistas [10:57],

 history is not a graveyard; 

it is a battlefield.

In this session, Raúl Romero and Carlos Aguirre Rojas take us on a journey to understand how those at the top of the "pyramid" use history as a weapon. For the state, history is a tool of legitimacy. They take our heroes, strip them of their radicalism, and put them on banknotes to tell us that the "Revolution" has already ended, and they are its heirs [26:12].

But Romero reminds us of the "pueblos without history"—the communities that the colonial and neocolonial powers tried to erase [18:47].

 He speaks of the 1712 Tzeltal rebellion and the Seri insurrections—voices that the official history books refuse to name [24:19].

 The lesson for us is clear: When a people loses its history, it loses its identity. And a people without identity is a people easily conquered [20:05].

The Science of Truth vs. The Trap of "Decoloniality"

Carlos Aguirre Rojas pushes the conversation further. He challenges us to look beyond the "hard words" of academia [01:12:44]. 

While the current "progressive" governments in Latin America use the language of "decoloniality" to ask for apologies from the Pope or the King of Spain for crimes committed 500 years ago, they simultaneously repress, despoil, and silence the indigenous peoples of today [01:26:59].

Rojas argues that true history belongs to the people who build the world—the ones who make the factories run and the fields grow [01:34:51].

 This is the wisdom of experience. While the elite provide a history that is 90% lie, the people hold a history that is 90% truth because they are the ones living it [01:34:09].

He takes us back to a pivotal moment: December 1914. For a brief window, the popular armies of Villa and Zapata controlled Mexico City [01:49:02].

 He asks a haunting "what if": What if they had marched on and built a radical peasant republic? The entire history of the 20th century, and the global dominance of U.S. imperialism, might have looked different [01:50:39].

 This "interrupted revolution" is a reminder that the future is never written in stone; it is always open to the organized and the brave.

Autonomy as the New World

The Zapatistas are not just theorizing; they are building. Through their concept of "el común" (the common) and the non-property of the people, they are showing that a non-capitalist world is not a dream—it is a reality in the mountains of Southeast Mexico [01:53:35].

They have replaced the hierarchy of the doctor with the "health promoter" and the authority of the teacher with the "education promoter" [01:32:30]. 

They are teaching us that to survive the "storm" of the "hydra" (capitalism), we must look long-term—prepared to fight for 120 years if that is what it takes [01:52:16].

A Story of Love and Heartbreak

The video concludes with a lighter, yet equally sharp, touch: a story about Dení, a first-generation Zapatista girl [01:58:21]. 

Through the lens of childhood, we see the Zapatista ethic: a deep suspicion of those who seek individual glory over collective liberation, and a recommendation to always have a way to escape the traps of "patriarchal" or "state-led" love [02:02:44].

Our Call to Solidarity

To the communities in resistance across the Americas: This video is your mirror. It asks you to be the "archivist of your own rebellion." It asks you to doubt the "history from above" and to trust in the collective intelligence of your neighbors.

We don't need titles to be wise. We only need the memory of our struggles and the courage to plant the seeds of a world where many worlds fit.

Watch the full video and join the "Semillero" here: 

SEMILLERO “DE PIRÁMIDES, DE HISTORIAS, DE AMORES Y, CLARO, DESAMORES”, 27 de diciembre 2025

01: To Scrub the Future: Zapatistas Seedbed - dec 26th

 

To Scrub the Future: 

A Seedbed of Resistance and the Call to "The Common"

A Presentation for the Global Solidarity Movement with the Zapatista Communities: 

Friends, family, and sisters and brothers of the Americanas Zapatistas

Scrubbing the Future

Friends, companions, and sisters of the Americanas Zapatistas and all those standing in the currents of global solidarity: imagine a room where thirty-eight different geographies meet, not to draft a policy paper, but to plant a seed [02:58].

 We are not here to talk about "saving" a world that is already crumbling; we are here to talk about what it means to build a new one from the soil up.

In this recent gathering of the Zapatista Semillero (the Seedbed), titled "Of Pyramids, of Stories, of Loves and, Of Course, Heartbreaks," the Zapatista leadership—including Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés and the Captain—delivered a message that is both a warning and a profound invitation to those of us in the North and South who believe in autonomy.

The Two Storms

We often hear about the "crisis" of our times, but the Zapatistas describe it more vividly: we are facing two simultaneous storms [01:10:50]. 

The first is the "Mother Pyramid" of the capitalist system—a machine of destruction that functions automatically and cannot be humanized, paused, or controlled by AI [54:27].

 It is a system that views the world as a reordered territory to be depopulated and rebuilt for profit [39:44].

The second storm is the reaction of Mother Earth herself [01:44:06].

 This isn't just "climate change" in an academic sense; it is the physical wounding of the earth for minerals and oil, a "bestiality" that the Zapatistas argue no government or "civilized" institution can stop. [01:42:22].

The Syndrome of the "Magical Detergent"

Perhaps the most stinging and necessary part of this message for our solidarity communities is what the Captain calls the "Chaca-Chaca" syndrome [44:55]. 

He recalls an old soap advertisement where a detergent promised to turn any bucket into an electric washing machine just by making the sound—chaca-chaca [45:31].

He challenges us: are we waiting for a political leader, a "progressive" government, or a new party to be our magical detergent? [48:10]. 

We sit by our "buckets" (our organizations, our movements) and give the "benefit of the doubt" to institutions, hoping they will do the work for us [49:04]. 

But as the Zapatistas remind us, there is no magic. If you want the clothes clean, you have to "tallar"—you have to scrub [49:33].

 You have to struggle,

 and 

you have to organize in common.

From Property to "The Common"

The Zapatistas are moving into a new phase of their journey: the transition from "autonomous rebel municipalities" to the "Common" (el común) [01:10:34]. 

This is a radical departure from the concept of private property. Subcomandante Moisés shares that by looking back at the history of their ancestors—those who lived before money was "the thing that gives life"—they rediscovered the power of the montón, or the "common" [01:36:24].

Their ancestors didn't just escape the plantation owners individually; they escaped in groups, defending themselves and working the land as one. This is the blueprint for the "day after" the capitalist collapse: a world where we say "No to property, yes to the common" [01:47:42].

 It is a call to govern ourselves not through a small group of "experts" in a pyramid, but as a whole people who watch over one another [02:08:13].

Loves and Heartbreaks

The title of this talk refers to "loves and heartbreaks," and it carries a beautiful lesson for our movements. In the Zapatista worldview, love is what makes us "complete" (cabal) [01:04:01]. 

But love isn't just about couples; it’s about the relationship between ourselves, nature, and the "different other."

They tell us that "making a love" is synonymous with "making another world" [01:05:33].

 When that vision fails or remains static, we become "incomplete," and the "heartbreak" of the system returns. This cycle of completing and incompleting is what creates history. It’s why there is a "tomorrow"—because something is always missing, and that missing piece is our collective action [01:05:51].

A Call to the Americanas Zapatistas

To our communities in the United States and across the Americas: the Zapatistas aren't asking for our "academic alibis" or our social media trends [18:37]

They are asking us to look at our own histories—to find the "common" in our own geographies [02:11:48].

They don't want to export their theory; they want us to practice our own. As Subcomandante Moisés says, "We don't want to study how the system dominates us anymore... we are worried about what the change is, what is the new thing we are going to make, and let it be practical" [02:13:23].

So, let us stop waiting for the "magical detergent." Let us pick up our own buckets, find our own común, and start scrubbing the future together. Because in the end, it’s not money that gives life; it’s the bridge we build between our yesterday and our today to give birth to a tomorrow [01:06:07].

Video Source: 

SEMILLERO “DE PIRÁMIDES, DE HISTORIAS, DE AMORES Y, CLARO, DESAMORES”, 26 de diciembre 2025

CA - ASSEMBLY BILL: 1340 has passed!

AB 1340: Transportation network company drivers: labor relations

Source: https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1340

---

Existing law declares the public policy of the state regarding labor organization, including, among other things, that it is necessary for a worker to have full freedom of association, self-organization, and designation of representatives of their own choosing, to negotiate the terms and conditions of their employment, and to be free from the interference, restraint, or coercion of employers of labor, or their agents, in the designation of such representatives or in self-organization or in other concerted activities for the purpose of collective bargaining or other mutual aid or protection.

Existing law,

 the Protect App-Based Drivers and Services Act, 

added by Proposition 22, as approved by the voters at the November 3, 2020, statewide general election (the initiative), categorizes app-based drivers for network companies, as defined, as independent contractors if certain conditions are met. Existing law requires, among other things, that the network company provide a health care subsidy to qualifying app-based drivers, provide a minimum level of compensation for app-based drivers, and not restrict app-based drivers from working in any other lawful occupation or business. Existing case law holds that specified provisions of the initiative are invalid on separation of powers grounds; however, the court severed the unconstitutional provisions, allowing the rest of the initiative to remain in effect.

Existing law also establishes

 the Public Employment Relations Board,

(board) in state government as a means of resolving disputes and enforcing the statutory duties and rights of specified public employers and employees under various acts regulating collective bargaining. Existing law vests the board with jurisdiction to enforce certain provisions over charges of unfair practices for represented employees.

This bill,

 The Transportation Network Company Drivers Labor Relations Act,

would establish that transportation network company (TNC) drivers have the right to form, join, and participate in the activities of TNC driver organizations, to bargain through representatives of their own choosing, to engage in concerted activities for the purpose of bargaining or other mutual aid or protection, and to refrain from such activities. The bill would require the board to enforce these provisions.

This bill would require all TNCs to submit certain information every quarter, including information identifying and related personal work information about TNC drivers to the board in a list format, as prescribed. The bill would establish various procedures governing the certification and decertification of TNC driver organizations for purposes of representing drivers in the collective bargaining process. In this connection, the bill would require the board to determine if an entity is a TNC driver organization, as prescribed, and make certain determinations as to whether a specific organization has been designated as the bargaining representative for TNC drivers pursuant to an election process. The bill would establish various notice requirements, conditions, and timelines governing the representation of TNC drivers. The bill would, among other things, require TNCs and certified driver bargaining organizations to negotiate in good faith pursuant to the act, as described, and would set forth procedures for mediation and arbitration for purposes of reaching a sectoral agreement. The bill would set forth procedures and guidelines for the board to approve or disapprove sectoral agreements. The bill would require a TNC that was not a covered TNC when a sectoral agreement took effect but subsequently became a covered TNC to be bound by all terms of the sectoral agreement, as specified.

This bill would make it an unfair practice for a TNC, an agent of a TNC, or a multicompany committee, as defined, to fail or refuse to negotiate in good faith with a certified driver bargaining organization, among other things. The bill would also make it an unfair practice for a certified driver bargaining organization or its agents to fail to negotiate in good faith with a TNC or multicompany committee, among other things. The bill would set forth unfair practice charge procedures and remedies for those practices. The bill would define terms for purposes of the act, make the provisions of the act severable, and make related legislative policy statements.

Existing law, 

the Bagley-Keene Open Meeting Act,

 generally requires all meetings of a state body to be open and public.

This bill would exempt any meeting of a mediator or arbitrator with any party or group to the negotiations process and the mediation and arbitration processes in the act from the Bagley-Keene Open Meeting act.

Existing law,

 the California Public Records Act, 

requires state and local agencies to make their records available for public inspection, unless an exemption from disclosure applies.

This bill would exclude from public disclosure information regarding TNC drivers that is submitted to the board pursuant to the act, except as specified.

Existing constitutional provisions require that a statute that limits the right of access to the meetings of public bodies or the writings of public officials and agencies be adopted with findings demonstrating the interest protected by the limitation and the need for protecting that interest.

This bill would make legislative findings to that effect.

Standing at the Fork in the Road:

 How Communities Can Thrive After the Economy We Know Breaks

Good evening, friends, neighbors, and fellow humans trying to make sense of a strange moment in history.

Let me start with something simple—and uncomfortable:

The economy we grew up with is not coming back.

Not because we failed.
Not because we didn’t work hard enough.
But because it was built on assumptions that no longer hold: infinite growth, infinite energy, infinite stability, and someone else always being in charge.

That doesn’t mean the future is hopeless.

It means the future is local.

---

Collapse Is Not the End of Society—It’s the End of an Arrangement

When people hear “collapse,” they imagine chaos, Mad Max, fear, survivalism.

That’s not how collapse actually works.

Collapse is usually quieter than that. It looks like:

• Systems that sort of work… until they don’t.

• Institutions that exist on paper but not in practice.

• Money that still circulates, but buys less trust every year.

• Jobs that don’t cover life.

• Services that become conditional, delayed, or unavailable.

Collapse is not one moment.
It’s a long unraveling.

And here’s the key insight:

The opposite of collapse is not growth.
The opposite of collapse is relationship.

---

Economies Don’t Run on Money—They Run on Trust

Before there were markets, there were people.

Before contracts, there were promises.
Before currencies, there were favors.
Before banks, there were neighbors.

Money is not value.
Money is a symbol of value.

And when symbols fail, societies don’t disappear.
They revert to older, deeper technologies:

• Cooperation

• Reciprocity

• Shared responsibility

• Local knowledge

• Mutual aid

These are not nostalgic ideas.
They are battle-tested survival systems older than civilization itself.

---

A Post-Collapse Economy Is Not About Going Backward

This is important.

Preparing for a post-collapse economy is not about:

• Rejecting technology

• Abandoning modern knowledge

• Romanticizing hardship

• Pretending the past was better

It’s about changing what we optimize for.

The industrial economy optimized for:

• Efficiency over resilience

• Scale over care

• Growth over continuity

• Profit over people

A post-collapse economy optimizes for:

• Resilience over efficiency

• Sufficiency over excess

• Relationship over extraction

• Continuity over growth

Different values create different systems.

---

The Economy Is Becoming Bioregional—Whether We Like It or Not

Here’s a truth most policy discussions avoid:

When global systems weaken, local systems matter more.

Food becomes local.
Energy becomes local.
Care becomes local.
Decision-making becomes local.

Not because it’s trendy.
Because it’s reliable.

The communities that will suffer least are not the richest ones.
They are the ones that can answer basic questions together:

• Who grows food here?

• Who fixes things?

• Who knows the land?

• Who cares for children, elders, and the sick?

• How do we make decisions when no one is coming to help?

Those are economic questions.
They just don’t show up on stock tickers.

---

What a Post-Collapse Local Economy Actually Looks Like

Let’s make this concrete.

A post-collapse economy is not one system.
It’s a mesh.

It includes:

• Formal money and informal exchange

• Businesses and cooperatives

• Skills and relationships

• Trade and gift economies

Some examples you can imagine right now:

• A local repair culture where broken things are resources, not trash

• Skill-sharing networks where knowledge circulates without permission

• Community land trusts protecting housing from speculation

• Local food webs instead of single supply chains

• Time banks, mutual credit, or local exchange systems

• Shared tools, shared spaces, shared responsibility

This isn’t radical.
It’s what humans do when systems thin out.

---

The Most Important Infrastructure Is Social

Let me say this plainly:

You cannot out-prepare collapse with supplies alone.

You can have food, tools, generators—and still fail if:

• No one trusts each other

• Conflict escalates unchecked

• Decisions are centralized and brittle

• Knowledge is hoarded

• Care work is invisible

The strongest communities are not the most armed.
They are the most connected.

Social trust is infrastructure.
Story is infrastructure.
Care is infrastructure.
Conflict resolution is infrastructure.

If your town has those, it already has a foundation.

---

Governance After Collapse Is About Participation, Not Control

Large systems govern by distance.
Local systems govern by presence.

In a post-collapse economy:

• Leadership rotates

• Decisions are contextual

• Elders matter

• Lived experience matters

• Feedback loops are short

This isn’t chaos.
It’s adaptive governance.

The question shifts from:

“Who’s in charge?”

To:

“Who is responsible for what—and accountable to whom?”

That shift alone changes everything.

---

This Is a Moral Transition, Not Just an Economic One

Every economy encodes values.

The old economy asked:

• How much can we extract?

• How fast can we grow?

• Who can we externalize costs onto?

The emerging economy asks:

• How do we care for what cares for us?

• What is enough?

• How do we stay human under pressure?

This is not about being perfect.
It’s about being appropriate to the moment.

---

The Good News No One Tells You

Here’s the part people don’t expect:

A post-collapse economy can be more humane than the one we’re leaving.

Slower—but more meaningful.
Smaller—but more alive.
Less abstract—but more real.

People often say:

“I just want things to go back to normal.”

But for many, normal was:

• Precarious

• Lonely

• Exhausting

• Disconnected from land and meaning

We don’t need to recreate the past.
We need to build something honest enough to survive the future.

---

The Invitation

So here is the invitation—not to panic, not to retreat, not to wait.

Start asking different questions together:

• What do we already have?

• Who already knows how to do what we need?

• What relationships need strengthening now, not later?

• What can we practice locally before we’re forced to?

Collapse does not reward speed.
It rewards preparedness, humility, and cooperation.

And the most powerful move a community can make right now is simple:

Turn toward each other.

That’s not idealism.
That’s strategy.

Thank you.

-----

Source: 

http://the8thfire.org/8thfire/index.htm

Architecture of self managrment and autonomy

 

Premise: 

A synopsis of the architecture of self-management, self-directed autonomy

 in the context of developing local regional autonomy as a community response to post-collapse society

---

In a post-collapse scenario, the transition from centralized state reliance to local regional autonomy requires a shift from hierarchical control to horizontal self-management. This architecture isn't just about survival; it’s about creating a "steady-state" social ecosystem that can govern itself without external inputs.

Here is a synopsis of the architectural layers required for self-directed community autonomy.

1. The Decision-Making Layer: Fractal Democracy

To maintain autonomy, power must reside at the most local level possible (subsidiarity). Instead of a top-down command, the architecture uses a Fractal or Nested Council system.

 * Affinity Groups: Small units (5–20 people) who handle immediate daily tasks and hold high levels of interpersonal trust.

 * Spokes-Councils: Regional assemblies where delegates from affinity groups meet to coordinate large-scale needs (watershed management, defense) without yielding permanent power.

 * Consensus-Based Protocols: Rather than simple majority rule—which creates "winners" and "losers"—self-management often relies on modified consensus to ensure all voices are heard, maintaining community cohesion.

2. The Resource Layer: The Commons and Circularity

Post-collapse autonomy fails if the community depends on external supply chains. The architecture must be built on The Commons.

 * Usufruct Rights: Land and tools are "owned" by those who use them, preventing the accumulation of idle resources while others go without.

 * Resource Mapping: A rigorous inventory of local "bioregional" assets—potable water, clay for building, timber, and caloric potential of the land.

 * Open-Source Hardware: Utilizing "appropriate technology" that can be repaired, manufactured, and maintained locally using modular designs (e.g., Global Village Construction Set).

3. The Economic Layer: Mutualism and Credit

Traditional currency often disappears or hyper-inflates during collapse. A self-managed region requires internal exchange mechanisms that prioritize mutual aid.

 * Time Banks: Exchanging labor based on time spent rather than market value, ensuring that "care work" is valued equally to "construction work."

 * Mutual Credit Unions: Bookkeeping systems where the community issues its own credit based on its productive capacity, bypassing the need for a central bank.

 * Labor Contributions: A "gift economy" approach for essential needs (food, water), supplemented by trade for non-essentials.

4. The Security Layer: Community Defense and Justice

Self-management requires protecting the autonomy of the region without recreating a professional, oppressive police force.

 * Transformative Justice: Moving away from punitive systems (jails) toward mediation and restitution to resolve internal conflicts and maintain social fabric.

 * Dual Power: The community maintains its own infrastructure to the point where external "authorities" become irrelevant.

 * Non-Hierarchical Defense: Rotating security duties among members to prevent the formation of a separate "warrior class" that might seize political control.

5. The Psychological Layer: Radical Pedagogy

The hardest part of the architecture is the "human hardware." People raised in centralized systems must "unlearn" dependency.

 * Skill-Sharing: Continuous workshops to ensure no single individual holds a monopoly on "critical knowledge" (e.g., medicine or engineering).

 * Emotional Resilience: Practices for collective trauma processing, which is inevitable in a post-collapse environment.

> Concept: This architecture is modular. If one regional community fails or is compromised, the others remain functional because they are not dependent on a central "hub.">

Resources:

https://failfastmoveon.blogspot.com/2016/07/the-relationship-between-self.html

Three Words That Changed the World: Americanas Zapatistas! Declaration

We want you to think about the most powerful sentence in any language. 

Is it “I love you”? 

Perhaps “We are free”? 

Ma ybe even “The revolution has begun”?

I’d argue it’s far simpler. 

It’s a declaration spoken at the moment tolerance finally snaps. 

It’s a full stop at the end of a long, painful chapter. 

In Spanish, in the mountains of Chiapas, Mexico,

 it is just three words: 

“¡Se Acabó!”—It is over.

This is the title and the core idea of a powerful Zapatista song that is far more than just music; it is an economic treatise, a history lesson, and a political manifesto wrapped in a revolutionary melody. 

It’s an idea worth spreading: 

The sound of “Enough” is the essential spark of all profound social change.

The Anatomy of Generational Pain

What does “It’s over” truly mean in this context?

The song is brutally specific.

 It’s not just about a bad day or a poor harvest.

 It’s about a lineage of injustice. 

The lyrics directly address the “patrón”—the boss, the ruling elite—with an accusation that spans decades: 

“Patrón, you exploited my grandparents, my parents, and now me, but ¡Se Acabó!”.

This isn't just one person quitting; it's an entire community rejecting an inherited system of suffering.

 The song encapsulates generational exhaustion.

 It articulates that point where the pain of the past, the burden of the present, and the fear for the future converge into a single, unstoppable will.

When the chant rises: 

“Se acabó la paciencia” (The patience is over), it signals the shift from survival—quietly enduring—to action—demanding liberation.

From Patience to Power: A New Political Agenda 

Once the patience runs out, the song immediately pivots to the revolutionary solution.

 It proposes a new political algebra that leaves no room for negotiation:

 “Por la buena, por la mala… tomaremos El Poder y usted dejará el poder.”

By fair means or foul... we will take power, and you will leave power.

This is the definitive declaration of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN). 

They are not merely asking for reform; they are announcing a complete replacement of the ruling structure.

The song affirms their commitment, celebrating the “fuerzas armadas de liberación” (armed forces of liberation) and declaring support for the “partido de los pobres” (party of the poor).

The power of this anthem lies in its abil11ity to take a deep, personal feeling of victimization and translate it into a collective, militant strategy.

 It shows us that true political will is born not in a boardroom, but at the breaking point of human endurance, when the people recognize that their collective strength is greater than the structure designed to oppress them.

The Global Echo

So, why does a revolutionary song from rural Mexico matter to us today?

Because “¡Se Acabó!” is a universal phrase.

Whether you are marching for climate justice, fighting for fair wages, or demanding political transparency, every single movement starts with a moment of collective declaration: “We will not endure this injustice for one more day.”

The Zapatista song is a powerful reminder that when a system is fundamentally rigged, the most moral act is to declare that the rules of that game are null and void. 

The power of a declaration like “¡Se Acabó!” is that it doesn't describe the problem—it ends it.

 It is the sound of hope, delivered with the firm, unshakeable rhythm of certainty.

When you feel that familiar weight of injustice—the exhaustion, the unfairness, the generational struggle—listen closely. 

What is the sound of your breaking point? 

What are the three words that will signal the beginning of your new chapter?

...

Essay: An Expository Description of *Modern Ideologies*

Source: 

Modern Ideologies – Dr. Roy Casagranda | Museum of the Future: Lessons from the Past

Introduction

The video presents a university lecture by Dr. Roy Casagranda on the subject of **modern political ideologies**. Rather than treating ideology as a set of abstract doctrines to be memorized, the lecture approaches ideology as a **historical, psychological, and social phenomenon**—something that arises from human needs, emotions, and material conditions. The central goal of the lecture is to help students understand *why ideologies exist, how they function, and why they so often lead to conflict*, even when they claim to promote order or justice.

Throughout the lecture, Dr. Casagranda combines history, political theory, psychology, and moral reflection. The tone is explanatory rather than partisan, and the structure moves from foundational concepts to historical examples and finally to contemporary implications.

Ideology as a Human Construct

Early in the lecture, Dr. Casagranda establishes that **ideologies are not neutral descriptions of reality**. Instead, they are simplified systems of meaning that help large groups of people interpret the world and coordinate action. Ideologies reduce complexity by offering narratives—stories about who “we” are, who “they” are, what is wrong with the world, and what must be done to fix it.

He emphasizes that this simplification is not accidental or malicious by default. Human beings are cognitively limited, and modern societies are vast and complex. Ideology emerges as a *coping mechanism* that allows people to act collectively without needing full knowledge of every issue. In this sense, ideology is presented as **functional**, even when it is inaccurate or incomplete.

The Psychological Dimension of Ideology

A major portion of the lecture focuses on **human psychology**. Dr. Casagranda explains that political behavior is not driven primarily by rational analysis. Instead, emotions—especially fear, belonging, pride, and resentment—play a dominant role in shaping beliefs.

He discusses how the human brain evolved to prioritize survival and group loyalty, not objective truth. As a result, ideologies often appeal to identity and emotion rather than evidence. This explains why people frequently cling to ideological beliefs even when confronted with contradictory facts. The lecture makes clear that this tendency is not a moral failing of individuals but a structural feature of human cognition.

This psychological framing helps students understand why ideological conflict is so persistent and why persuasion through logic alone often fails.

 Nationalism and Group Identity

The lecture then turns to **nationalism** as a key modern ideology. Dr. Casagranda distinguishes between simple attachment to one’s homeland and nationalism as an ideology that elevates the nation to an almost sacred status. Nationalism, he explains, constructs a shared identity that binds people emotionally, often by defining outsiders as threats.

Historically, nationalism played a crucial role in mobilizing populations during periods of political fragmentation and external danger. However, the lecture also highlights the dangers of nationalism when it becomes exclusionary or absolutist. By framing political problems as conflicts between inherently different groups, nationalism can justify violence and suppress internal dissent.

Liberalism, Socialism, and Communism

The lecture proceeds to examine **liberalism**, **socialism**, and **communism** as responses to the transformations of the modern world, particularly industrialization and capitalism.

• * **Liberalism** is presented as an ideology centered on individual rights, limited government, and legal equality. It emerged as a response to absolute monarchy and aristocratic privilege.
• * **Socialism** arose from the suffering and inequality produced by industrial capitalism, emphasizing collective responsibility and economic justice.
• * **Communism** is discussed as a radical extension of socialist thought, advocating revolutionary change and the abolition of private ownership of productive resources.

Rather than portraying these ideologies as purely theoretical systems, Dr. Casagranda situates them in their historical contexts. Each ideology is shown to be an attempt to solve real problems faced by real people at specific moments in history.

 Fascism and Reactionary Ideologies

The lecture also addresses **fascism**, framing it as a reactionary ideology that emerges during periods of social instability and perceived humiliation. Fascism promises order, unity, and restored greatness, often by glorifying authority and suppressing pluralism.

Dr. Casagranda explains that fascism thrives on emotional intensity and mythic narratives rather than rational policy debate. It draws strength from fear and resentment, offering simple explanations and decisive action in moments of crisis. This section of the lecture underscores how ideologies can become dangerous when they claim absolute authority and reject moral or empirical limits.

Ideology and Political Participation

A recurring theme throughout the lecture is the relationship between ideology and **mass participation** in politics. In modern democracies, political success depends less on convincing people through detailed policy arguments and more on motivating them emotionally to act—especially to vote.

Dr. Casagranda notes that this dynamic incentivizes political movements to simplify messages, amplify fears, and frame opponents as existential threats. Ideology thus becomes a tool for mobilization rather than deliberation, contributing to polarization and misunderstanding.

Contemporary Ideological Confusion

In the latter part of the lecture, attention shifts to the present. Dr. Casagranda suggests that traditional ideological categories are breaking down. Many contemporary political movements borrow elements from multiple ideologies, while public discourse increasingly revolves around identity and emotion rather than coherent philosophical frameworks.

This creates a situation in which people feel deeply committed to political positions without being able to clearly articulate their underlying principles. The lecture presents this as a symptom of ideological exhaustion rather than ideological clarity.

 Ethical Reflection and Conclusion

The lecture concludes with a normative reflection. Dr. Casagranda encourages humility in political engagement, reminding students that no ideology fully captures the complexity of human life. He argues for moving beyond mere tolerance toward a genuine appreciation of human diversity, while still acknowledging the inevitability of disagreement.

Rather than calling for the abandonment of ideology, the lecture calls for **conscious engagement with it**—recognizing its power, its limits, and its capacity for harm as well as good.

 Conclusion

In summery: the video presents a rich, interdisciplinary examination of modern ideologies. It portrays ideology as a human-made system that arises from psychological needs and historical pressures, functions to organize collective action, and often distorts reality in the process. By grounding ideological conflict in human nature and social conditions, the lecture provides students with tools to understand political disagreement without reducing it to ignorance or malice.

The overall message is neither cynical nor utopian. Instead, it is a call for awareness: ideologies matter because humans matter, and understanding how ideologies work is essential for navigating the modern political world responsibly.

---

EZLN - CALL FOR THE RESISTANCES AND REBELLIONS

CALL FOR THE RESISTANCES AND REBELLIONS MEETING

«SOME PARTS OF THE WHOLE.»

June 2025.

To the individuals, groups, collectives, organizations, and movements that have signed the Declaration for Life:

The Zapatista communities of Mayan roots, through their Local Autonomous Government (GAL), Collective of Autonomous Governments (CGAZ), Assemblies of Collectives of Autonomous Government (ACGAZ), INTERZONA, and the EZLN, address you to:

Call upon individuals, groups, collectives, movements, and organizations that, in different corners of the world, resist and rebel against one or all of the heads of the capitalist Hydra, and that have a practice to share, to tell their story at a meeting with the Zapatista communities.

The invitation is for you to share your experience and proposals in the anti-system struggle according to your time, geography, and methods. Several hundred Zapatistas (men, women, “otr@s” (others), children, and elderly) from the various work groups, commissions, and responsibilities within the Zapatista autonomy and community will attend in person to listen to you and learn from you.

For this reason, we ask you to find words that can be understood. Because if you come here and only use harsh words, it’s for nothing, because we won’t understand you. We are confident that we will be an attentive and respectful collective listener. For this very reason, we hope that your words will be collective, clear, and understandable to those of us who invite you.

Likewise, the Zapatista people will explain to you, using the means the communities decide, the stage we are in, the problems we face, the progress or setbacks we see.

Anyone from an organization, group, collective, or movement who is willing and able to attend is welcome, although only one person, or several, will share their experience in turn. Media presence will not be permitted unless authorized by those presenting their practice.

Some topics are:

• .- We as women.
• .- Destruction of nature.
• .- Attacks on difference in all its forms.
• .- Destruction of identities, peoples, and communities.
• .- Resistance and Rebellion in Art and Culture.
• .- Migration, Racism, Segregation.
• .- Wars and the destruction of life.
• .- The theme that each person decides.
• .- The whole or the parts of these themes.

This is not a meeting for analysis or theoretical approaches, but rather a meeting of practical experiences of resistance. Those of us who will be there already know what the damned system is and what it does against everyone, as well as against nature, knowledge, the arts, information, human dignity, and the entire planet. This is not about theoretically exposing the evils of the capitalist system, but rather about what is being done to resist and rebel, that is, to fight against it.

We are not inviting you to teach. We are not your students or apprentices; nor are we teachers or tutors. We are, along with you, parts of a whole that opposes a system. You give, we givie. You tell us your experiences, and we, the Zapatista people, tell you ours.

The meeting will be at the Comandanta Ramona Seedbed in the Caracol of Morelia (where the Meetings of Women in Struggle were held).

The dates are August 2-17, 2025.

Arrival and check-in on the 2nd, opening on the 3rd, and closing on the 16th. Departure on the 17th.

Participant and attendee registration is via email:

@participantesencuentroagosto25@gmail.com

@asistentesencuentroagosto25@gmail.com

Note: The Zapatista presentations will be open to participants and attendees. Every effort will be made to broadcast these talks live and, if necessary, post the videos on the Enlace Zapatista website.

More details in future texts.

We remind you that the production, sale, and consumption of alcohol and drugs are NOT permitted. Neither is verbal or physical violence based on gender, race, size, color, religion, nationality, social position, terrain of resistance, or any other reason you may have.

There will be a roof to shelter you from the rain or sun, whichever the case.

We look forward to seeing you.

From the mountains of the Mexican Southeast.

Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés.

Mexico, June 2025.

Source: Iww forum : 

Who rebels?

 

Who Rebels? The Americanas Zapatistas!

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What does rebellion look like when it grows up?

Today’s topic—“Who Rebels? The Americanas Zapatistas!”—isn’t just a slogan. It’s a call to wakefulness. A flare in the night. A reminder that rebellion isn’t a relic sealed in 20th-century amber. It’s alive. It’s evolving. And it’s showing up in places most people don’t expect.

Let’s start with the obvious echo: “Zapatistas.”
When most folks hear the name, they think of Chiapas in ’94—masks, mountains, indigenous autonomy, and the refusal to bow to a world that treats human beings like disposable inputs. But the deeper meaning—the part that matters today—is that a Zapatista is anyone who chooses dignity over convenience, community over extraction, and freedom over the quiet suffocation of resignation.

So who are the Americanas Zapatistas?

They’re the ones who refuse to be lulled into numbness.
They’re the ones who treat democracy not as a spectator sport but a living organism.
They’re the ones who see the cracks in a system and say, “Okay then—let’s plant something in the cracks.”

You’ve met them, even if you didn’t realize it.

• They’re the neighborhood organizers turning abandoned lots into food forests.
• They’re the mutual aid hubs building safety nets where institutions failed.
• They’re the technologists who write code for liberation instead of surveillance.
• They’re the teachers who sneak real history into classrooms starving for truth.
• They’re the young people who refuse to inherit a burning world quietly.

And they’re the elders who held the flame long before the rest of us woke up.

What these people share isn’t ideology. It’s agency.
They understand that rebellion doesn’t have to be dramatic.
It just has to be intentional.

Rebellion today is less about marching with rifles and more about refusing to outsource your conscience. It’s choosing a life that increases the freedom of others, not just your own convenience. It’s crafting systems where dignity is the default state, not a luxury product.

The Americanas Zapatistas are rebuilding what empire compromised:
The belief that ordinary people hold extraordinary power—if we choose to act together.

They remind us that every system has leverage points, and some of the smallest changes—our choices, our conversations, our commitments—can create ripples that outlive us. They understand that being a good ancestor is not a poetic aspiration. It’s a daily practice.

These rebels don’t aim to burn the world down.
They aim to re-architect it.

To rebel today is to ask the 13th question—the question no one else thought to ask. It’s to recognize that the future isn’t waiting to arrive; it’s waiting to be authored.

So when we ask, “Who rebels?”—the answer is simple:

• Those who refuse to accept a world smaller than our collective imagination.
• Those who choose life over inertia.
• Those who see possibility where others see inevitability.

Americanas Zapatistas aren’t a demographic. They’re a verb.

• A way of walking.
• A way of seeing.
• A way of saying, “We can do better—and we will.”

And if you’re feeling that spark right now—the one humming behind your ribs—that’s your cue. That’s your mask without a mask. That’s your invitation to step into the lineage of people who didn’t wait for permission to make a freer world.

The question is no longer “Who rebels?”

The real question is:

“Will you?”