who eats the fleas that fall from the shaking of the dogs back?

In the dense ecosystem of the Lacandon Jungle (*Selva Lacandona*) in Chiapas, Mexico, fleas—both as adults on hosts and as larvae in the leaf litter—are regulated by a variety of opportunistic predators rather than a single specialized animal.

Because the Lacandon is a hyper-diverse tropical rainforest, the main predators of fleas and their larvae fall into three distinct categories:

### 1. Invertebrates of the Forest Floor

The micro-habitats of the jungle floor—leaf litter, fallen logs, and animal dens—are crawling with tiny predators that feed heavily on flea larvae and pupae:

 * **Ants:** Highly aggressive foraging ants (including army ants and standard leaf-litter species) will readily consume flea larvae and adult fleas they encounter.

 * **Predatory Mites and Beetles:** Various small tropical beetles and mites inhabit the topsoil and actively hunt down soft-bodied insect larvae.

 * **Pseudoscorpions:** These tiny, arachnid-like creatures live under bark and leaf litter, using their miniature claws to hunt down tiny pests like fleas, mites, and springtails.

 * **Spiders:** Wandering spiders and ground-dwelling arachnids that don't rely on webs catch adult fleas that drop off their mammalian hosts.

### 2. Amphibians and Small Reptiles

The humid environment of the Lacandon is perfect for small insectivores that consume any moving insect small enough to swallow:

 * **Rainforest Frogs and Toads:** The leaf litter is home to a massive variety of small frogs (like litter frogs and tree frog juveniles) that rely on a diet of tiny invertebrates, including fleas.

 * **Lizards and Anoles:** Small tropical anoles and geckos scan the lower vegetation and forest floor, snapping up jumping insects.

### 3. Mutualistic Groomers and Omnivores

 * **Coatis (*Tejones*):** The white-nosed coati (*Nasua narica*) is a highly active, social omnivore in the Lacandon. While foraging through the dirt, they disturb and consume all kinds of insects. Additionally, like many social primates and mammals in the jungle, coatis engage in social grooming, explicitly picking off and eating ectoparasites like fleas and ticks from one another.

Ultimately, fleas in the Lacandon survive by reproducing rapidly, but their populations are kept in check by this massive, complex web of tiny ground-level hunters.

what are these 6 cracks?

The history of the Zapatista movement (EZLN) is written through its **Declarations of the Lacandon Jungle** (*Declaraciones de la Selva Lacandona*). Released between 1993 and 2005, these six manifestos chart a profound evolution: transforming from an armed indigenous peasant uprising into a sophisticated, non-violent, international movement for horizontal autonomy.

Differentiating the six declarations requires tracking how the EZLN's **strategy, audience, and ultimate goals** shifted over twelve years.

## The Six Declarations: A Breakdown

### 1. The First Declaration (December 1993 / January 1994)

 * **The Focus:** An absolute Declaration of War.

 * **The Core Message:** Timing their uprising with the start of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the EZLN invoked Article 39 of the Mexican Constitution to declare the government illegitimate. They demanded "work, land, housing, food, health care, education, independence, freedom, democracy, justice, and peace."

 * **Military Order:** It explicitly ordered Zapatista troops to advance to the capital, defeat the federal army, and call for the unconditional surrender of government headquarters.

### 2. The Second Declaration (June 1994)

 * **The Focus:** Shifting from weapons to civil society.

 * **The Core Message:** Following a brief 12-day war and a subsequent ceasefire pushed for by massive peaceful protests, the EZLN realized they had deep support from everyday citizens.

 * **Democratic Proposal:** They proposed a "National Dialogue" and called on Mexican **civil society** to organize a National Democratic Convention to peacefully reshape the country, moving away from direct military confrontation.

### 3. The Third Declaration (January 1995)

 * **The Focus:** Broadening the political front.

 * **The Core Message:** Recognizing that the indigenous struggle could not exist in a vacuum, the EZLN proposed the creation of a broad **National Liberation Movement** (*Movimiento para la Liberación Nacional*).

 * **Unifying the Opposition:** They sought to unite all leftist factions, indigenous groups, workers, and peasants into a single, cohesive political opposition to confront the ruling party (the PRI) and its neoliberal economic agenda.

### 4. The Fourth Declaration (January 1996)

 * **The Focus:** Inside-the-system political pressure and indigenous dignity.

 * **The Core Message:** Written during negotiations that led to the *San Andrés Accords* (which promised indigenous autonomy), this text focuses heavily on cultural survival, dignity, and self-determination.

 * **A Non-Electoral Front:** It called for the creation of the *Frente Zapatista de Liberación Nacional* (FZLN)—a political, non-military front intended to organize people *without* participating in regular political parties or running for office.

### 5. The Fifth Declaration (July 1998)

 * **The Focus:** Bypassing the government entirely.

 * **The Core Message:** The Mexican government broke its promises and refused to constitutionalize the San Andrés Accords. In response, the Zapatistas declared that they were done waiting for official recognition.

 * **The National Plebiscite:** They organized a massive *Consulta Nacional* (National Consultation), bypassing the political class to speak directly to the Mexican public, asking them to vote on whether indigenous rights should be legally recognized.

### 6. The Sixth Declaration (June 2005)

 * **The Focus:** The "Other Campaign" and global solidarity (*La Sexta*).

 * **The Core Message:** The longest and most influential declaration. The EZLN announced they were separating their military wing from their political wing to embark on **The Other Campaign** (*La Otra Campaña*)—a tour across Mexico to listen to and build solidarity with the exploited "from below and to the left," completely outside the electoral system.

 * **Internationalism:** It expanded their vision globally, identifying capitalism as a planet-wide enemy and expressing explicit solidarity with anti-globalization movements and left-wing struggles worldwide.

## How to Differentiate Them at a Glance

To quickly distinguish the path the Zapatistas took, you can trace the shifting **tactics** and **target audiences** across the timeline:

| Declaration | Primary Tactic | Main Target Audience | The Core Pivot |

|---|---|---|---|

| **First (1993)** | Armed Insurrection | The Mexican State & Army | **"Ya Basta!"** – Open declaration of war against neoliberalism. |

| **Second (1994)** | Peaceful Convention | Mexican Civil Society | **From Bullets to Words** – Laying down arms to negotiate alongside citizens. |

| **Third (1995)** | Political Coalitions | The Broader Mexican Left | **National Scale** – Trying to build a massive national liberation coalition. |

| **Fourth (1996)** | Institutional Autonomy | Indigenous Peoples of Mexico | **San Andrés Era** – Demanding legal, constitutional rights and dignity. |

| **Fifth (1998)** | Direct Referendum | Everyday Voters / Citizens | **Breaking with the State** – Trusting the people over broken government promises. |

| **Sixth (2005)** | Anti-Capitalist Network | The Global Marginalized | **Going Global** – Transitioning to structural, community-led anti-capitalism worldwide. |

pt 2 say it like you mean it?

Prompt :

How do we describe a global autonomous collective of feminist activists from the entire geographical region of the Americas in both spainsh?

Result "

## 1. In Spanish (Recommended Phrase)

To capture every nuance of your concept clearly, use this phrasing:

"Colectivo global y autónomo de activistas feministas de las Américas, arraigado en la ideología zapatista."

## Translation Breakdown & Grammar Notes:

* 

* Colectivo global y autónomo: Translates "global and autonomous collective." Colectivo is a masculine singular noun, so the adjectives global and autónomo modify it accordingly.

* de activistas feministas: Translates "of feminist activists." Activistas and feministas are pluralized. Both are common-gender words (ending in -istas), seamlessly embracing your focus.

* de las Américas: Translates "from the geographical place of the Americanas." In Spanish, las Américas (plural) is the preferred geographical and political term to describe the entire North, Central, and South American landmass as a unified space, bypassing the ambiguity of the singular word americana.

* arraigado en la ideología zapatista: Translates "rooted in the ideology of the zapatistas." Arraigado (rooted) matches colectivo.

* 

------------------------------

## 2. The Lacandón (Jach-tʼaan) Linguistic Reality

Translating this concept directly into Lacandón (Jach-tʼaan)—the highly endangered Mayan language spoken in the Lacandón Jungle of Chiapas—presents a profound cultural and linguistic challenge.

## Cultural Translation Constraints:

* 

* The Concept Gap: Lacandón is an indigenous language structured around the ecosystem of the rainforest, ancestral cosmology, and community life. Highly abstract Western geopolitical and political terminology—such as "global," "autonomous collective," and "feminist"—does not exist as native lexical words.

* The Zapatista Paradox: While the Zapatista movement famously emerged from the Lacandón Jungle (Selva Lacandona), the contemporary Lacandón people (Hach Winik) historically maintained a complicated, often neutral or distant relationship with the EZLN, who are primarily Tzotzil, Tzeltal, Ch'ol, and Tojolabal Maya.

* 

## How to Express It in Lacandón:

To communicate this idea in a way that respects the linguistic structure of Jach-tʼaan, the concept must be rephrased into descriptive imagery using native building blocks. You can convey the core meaning using this descriptive construction:

"Machtzil ch’upalob ti’ tulakal yukul kab, ku meyajob tu juunal, yetel u tukun zapatistaob."

## Literal Breakdown of the Lacandón phrasing:

* 

* Machtzil ch’upalob: "Rebel/powerful women" or "Women who organize/raise their voices." (Ch'up or ch'upal means woman/female; the suffix -ob makes it plural). This serves as the closest conceptual translation for "feminist activists."

* ti’ tulakal yukul kab: "From all over the world / across the whole earth" (translating global).

* ku meyajob tu juunal: "They work by themselves / under their own direction" (translating autonomous collective).

* yetel u tukun zapatistaob: "With the thoughts/mindset of the Zapatistas" (translating rooted in the ideology of the zapatistas).

* 

Because the Americas as a Western geographic entity has no historical equivalent in the language, tulakal yukul kab (all of the earth) is used to capture the immense scale of your collective.

Human response:

What does a global automous collective look like in your neck of the woods?

Lettuce now! In the comments beloe'!

say it like you mean it!

How do we say what we are?

Prompt:

How to conjugate americanas zapatistas in spanish. 

I

To emphasize the femmeine plurality of a global automous collective spanning the entire geography of the Americas.  

Specifically how to you say it correctly in spainsh.

Result:

To capture the specific meaning of a feminine, plural, global autonomous collective spanning the entire geography of the Americas, you actually have the exact correct terms, but they need to be ordered correctly according to Spanish grammar rules.

In Spanish, the noun almost always comes before the adjectives. If you are describing a collective of women (or a collection of concepts/entities grammatically treated as feminine plural), **Americanas** serves as your noun, and **zapatistas** acts as the adjective modifying it.

Here is exactly how you write and say it correctly:

### The Correct Phrase

> **Americanas zapatistas**

> *(pronounced: ah-meh-ree-KAH-nahs sah-pah-TEES-tahs)*

> 

### Why This Works Formally

 * **Feminine Plural Alignment:** Both words end in **-as**, perfectly achieving the feminine plurality you are aiming for.

 * **The Noun (*Americanas*):** Placing *Americanas* first immediately establishes the subjects as women or entities from the Americas (spanning both North, Central, and South America, as "America" in Spanish refers to the entire landmass, not just the US).

 * **The Adjective (*zapatistas*):** In Spanish, political, social, or ideological affiliations (like *zapatista*) function as adjectives and follow the noun. Note that *zapatista* is a gender-neutral adjective by nature (it always ends in *-ista*), but it seamlessly takes the plural **-s** to match *Americanas*.

### An Alternative for a "Collective"

If you want to explicitly include the word "collective" (*colectiva* — which is feminine in this activist context) or "network" (*red*), you would structure it like this to retain the exact meaning:

 * **La colectiva zapatista de las Américas** (The Zapatista collective of the Americas)

 * **Las colectivas americanas zapatistas** (The Zapatista American collectives)

Human response:

How would you say it? 

Lettuce now! In the comments below!

the saffron journal

https://www.saffronjournal.com/

Leftist quiz

 

https://leftvalues.github.io/

What is LeftValues?

LeftValues is a leftist quiz inspired by and based upon the 8values quiz that seeks to identify your position on the left-wing spectrum. If you are not a leftist, this quiz is obviously not suited for you. You will be presented with a statement, and then you will answer with your opinion on the statement, from Strongly Agree to Strongly Disagree, with each answer slightly affecting your scores. The questions for each axes are presented in order, rather than scattered. At the end of the quiz, your answers will be compared to the maximum possible for each value, thus giving you a percentage. Answer honestly!

journalists without borders

The following essay explores the themes and implications of the ACLU’s landmark settlement regarding the unlawful questioning of journalists at the U.S.-Mexico border.

The Cost of Surveillance: Defending the First Amendment at the Border

The freedom of the press is often described as a cornerstone of democracy, a "watchdog" mechanism that ensures government transparency and accountability. However, when the state uses its power to monitor, detain, and interrogate the very individuals tasked with reporting the truth, that cornerstone begins to crumble. The recent settlement in the federal lawsuit Guan v. Wolf, announced by the ACLU, serves as a profound victory for constitutional rights, highlighting the escalating costs of abusing journalists and the essential need to protect the free press in an era of heightened border security.

The Erosion of Press Freedom at the Border

The case originated from the experiences of five photojournalists—Bing Guan, Go Nakamura, Mark Abramson, Kitra Cahana, and Ariana Drehsler—who traveled to the U.S.-Mexico border between 2018 and 2019 to document the plight of Central American migrant caravans. These journalists were not merely bystanders; they were professional witnesses to a significant humanitarian and political event.

Despite their status as U.S. citizens and professional members of the media, they were targeted by Customs and Border Protection (CBP) and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). This targeting involved "secondary inspections," prolonged detentions, and interrogations that focused on their sources and observations. The discovery of a leaked government database later revealed a more systemic abuse: the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) had created a secret list to track activists, lawyers, and journalists. Such actions suggest a deliberate attempt to use border crossings as a "Constitution-free zone" where officials could bypass First Amendment protections under the guise of national security.

The Psychological and Democratic Costs of Abuse

The abuse of journalists carries a "chilling effect" that extends far beyond the individuals directly involved. As plaintiff Kitra Cahana noted, the primary danger of government harassment is that other journalists may avoid reporting on controversial or "sensitive" stories to escape similar targeting. When the state treats reporting as a suspicious activity, it transforms the act of seeking truth into an act of risk.

Furthermore, the interrogation of journalists regarding their confidential sources is a direct assault on the integrity of the profession. If a source cannot trust a journalist to remain confidential due to government coercion at a border crossing, the flow of information to the public is severed. A democracy cannot function effectively if the government is able to "cow" the press into silence, as plaintiff Bing Guan suggested was the ultimate goal of the DHS’s surveillance tactics.

A Landmark Settlement and the Path to Accountability

The settlement reached in January 2026 represents a critical step in re-establishing the boundaries of government power. By requiring CBP to issue new guidance regarding First Amendment and Privacy Act protections, the settlement forces a shift in institutional culture. It clarifies that a journalist’s past reporting cannot serve as a legitimate basis for future harassment or questioning.

This legal victory reaffirms a vital constitutional principle: the First Amendment does not stop at the border. While the government has broad authority to regulate entry into the country, that authority is not absolute and cannot be used as a pretext for viewpoint discrimination or the suppression of the media.

Conclusion

The Guan v. Wolf settlement is more than a legal resolution; it is a reaffirmation of the necessity of an independent press. The costs of abusing journalists are paid in the currency of public knowledge and democratic health. By challenging the unlawful surveillance and interrogation of those who document the world’s most vulnerable populations, this case secures a future where journalists can perform their duties without fear of state-sponsored intimidation. In protecting the rights of these five photojournalists, the settlement ultimately protects the right of every citizen to know what their government is doing in their name.

Sources:

 https://www.aclu-sdic.org/press-releases/journalists-sue-federal-government-defend-free-press-aclu-lawsuit/

https://www.aclu.org/press-releases/landmark-settlement-announced-in-lawsuit-challenging-unlawful-questioning-of-journalists-at-the-border

St. Valentine: make love not war

Make love not war.

How did st. Valentine become one of the first draft Dodgers?

Lets find out.

.The story of Saint Valentine as the "first draft dodger" is a fascinating blend of historical fragments and medieval romanticism. While the term "draft dodger" is a modern political label, the core of the Valentine legend is indeed a story of civil disobedience against a military-industrial complex.

To understand how Valentine became a symbol of protest, we have to look at the collision between the Roman war machine and the early Christian underground.

The Imperial Conflict: Marriage vs. The Military

In the 3rd Century, the Roman Empire was facing what historians call the "Crisis of the Third Century"—a period of constant civil war, plague, and economic collapse. Emperor Claudius II (known as Claudius Gothicus) believed that his primary obstacle to a strong army was, quite literally, love.

•  * The Decree: Claudius allegedly banned marriages and engagements for young men in Rome.
•  * The Logic: He believed that "attachment" made soldiers weak. A man with a wife and children was less likely to charge into a suicidal battle than a man with nothing to lose.
•  * The Consequence: This created a mandatory pipeline from civilian life to the legions, effectively "drafting" the entire male population by removing the domestic alternative.

Valentine, a priest in Rome (or possibly the Bishop of Interamna), viewed this decree not just as a social injustice, but as a theological violation. In his view, marriage was a sacred rite that superseded the mandates of the state.

1. Underground Resistance

Valentine began performing secret marriages for young couples in defiance of the Emperor’s edict. In modern terms, this was a systematic sabotage of the recruitment process. By facilitating these unions, he was providing young men with a moral and legal reason (within their community) to prioritize the family unit over the imperial war effort.

2. The "Draft Dodger" Symbolism

While Valentine wasn't hiding in a basement to avoid his own service, he was the architect of evasion for others. He acted as a "conscientious objector" by proxy. He used his religious authority to validate the choice of peace and domesticity over the state-mandated violence of the era.

The Trial and Execution

Valentine’s "protest" eventually caught the attention of the authorities. When he was captured, legend suggests he attempted to convert Emperor Claudius himself, which was the ultimate act of defiance.

 "If you knew the grace of God, you would not call these idols demons, but would worship the true God who is in heaven." — Traditional account of Valentine's defense.

He was executed on February 14, around 270 AD. Before his death, he reportedly healed the blind daughter of his jailer and left her a note signed "From your Valentine," turning a moment of state oppression into the founding gesture of romantic correspondence.

Historical Context & Nuance

It is important to note that the historical record for Valentine is "thin." There were actually two or three different Saint Valentines martyred in the 3rd century. Much of the "marriage ban" narrative was popularized much later, particularly by Geoffrey Chaucer and other medieval writers who wanted to link the saint to the "birds and bees" of springtime.

However, as a cultural narrative, the essay of Valentine’s life remains the earliest and most famous example of a citizen standing between a government's demand for soldiers and the individual's right to choose a life of peace.

Resources 

• The wild geese 
• https://thewildgeese.irish/m/blogpost?id=6442157%3ABlogPost%3A141729
• 
  
• St. Valentine- wiki 
• https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saint_Valentine#:~:text=There%20are%20many%20other%20legends,Valentine's%20Day.

SD - fk ice - hotline

 

This resource provides legal information= not legal advice.

Last updated: 01/25/2026

San Diego ICE Raid Safety Tips

PREPARE

fIND YOUR LOVED ONE

FREE LEGAL SUPPORT

• A#: If you have a 9-digit A# (alien/file number), send it to a trusted person. Your A# will help locate vou and vour immigration case information.

ICE Detainee Locator . Visit locator.ice.gov

Immigration Legal Services Coalition . Call: (858) 751-7553

• Phone numbers: Memorize important numbers or write them on your arm whenever you go outside.

Otav Mesa Detention Center . Cal:(619)671-8724 Visit tinyurl.com/sdomdc

SD Immigrant Legal Defense Program • Call:(619) 446-2883 . Email: OAC.immigration@sdcounty.ca.gov

• Documents: Make copies of your important documents and send them to a trusted person. Ex: Immigration records, birth certificates, passports, etc.

Imperial Regional Detention Facility . Cal:(760) 618-7200 • Visit tinyurl.com/sdimperial

Listof Pro-Bono Legal Service Providers Visit tinyurl.com/sdprobono

• Medication: Get a doctor's note explaining your condition and treatment, medical records, and a medication list. Send copies of them to a trusted person.

Note: Ask a lawyer about filing a habeas corpus petition This can help challenge any unlawful detention.

If you st.llcan't find them, call the San Diego ICE Office:(619) 4360410

◦ House or car keys: Make sure a trusted person has copies of your keys. And share your car's location

To find their court case, visit: acis.eoir.justice.gov

Report ICE Sightings in San Diego: (619) 916-7215

• Money: Ask a trusted person to help access your funds for bond/bail, phone calls, and comissary funds

GET USEFUL APPS

MORE RESOURCES

If your loved one is detained at Otay Mesa or Imperial, get these mobile apps. Visit: tr.ee/getout

Know your rights ‣Scan or visit ilrc.org/redcards

Do NOT sign any documents without talking with a lawyer first

PROTECT YOUR FAMILY

GettingOut Add funds for phone calls and texts. Create a Friends & Family account to make calls ASAP.

GTL Getingou

Immigration court/ICE check-in tips and detention hotline ‣ Scan or visit tr.ee/courtsupport

If you have kids, family, or pets, plan ahead for their care.

• For kids in school, give their school an emergency contact for picking themup.

GettingOut Visits: Use it for video visits.

sits

• If you fill out a Caregiver's Authorization Affidavit, you can authorize a trusted person to make certain school and medical decisions for your kids in Califomnia. Talk with a lawyer about this and other options

qmet

ConnectNetwork: Add funds for commissary (food, toiletries, etc.). Otay Mesa only

ReadyNow emergency alert app ‣ Scan or visit: readynowapp.org

Comeciretverk

A

AccessCorrections: Add funds for commissary (food, toiletries, etc.) and phone calls. Imperial only.

• Tell ICE agents if youre a primary caregiver who needs to arrange care.

Scan QR to get this flyer on your phone Links are clickable in the digital flyer.

Stay safe. Your community supports you.

March on the boss workshop

 The March on the Boss

 and

 El Común

The March on the Boss is the primary tactical expression of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) philosophy of "Solidarity Unionism."

 Rather than waiting for legal recognition or government intervention, workers self-organize to confront management directly.

 This workshop

functions as a training ground for collective courage, teaching participants how to transform

individual grievances into a unified, unstoppable force.

When linked to the ideology of el común—the community-held power rooted in indigenous and Zapatista resistance—the March on the Boss becomes more than a workplace tactic.

 It serves:

as a pedagogical exercise in autonomy. 

By organizing at the local level, workers and neighbors develop the "social muscles" required for the Storm: the inevitable collision between grassroots A life and global capital.

Key Themes of the Workshop:

• * The Power of the Collective: Shifting the narrative from "I" to "We."
• 
  
• * Direct Action as Education: Learning that power is never given, only taken.
• 
  
• * Building the Infrastructure of Resistance: Creating local committees that can survive economic and social crises.
• 
  
• * Preparing for the Storm: Cultivating the resilience and horizontal leadership necessary to defend the community against systemic exploitation.

Ultimately: this workshop provides the practical tools to turn resistance into a lifestyle and rebellion into a sustainable community structure.